How cardinal were the alterations in the church implemented by Thomas Cromwell?
The alterations in the late-medieval church, which had existed until the reign of Henry VIII and the alterations implemented by Thomas Cromwell, were unimpeachably cardinal. In this essay we will briefly see the background of Thomas Cromwell ; we will look at the cardinal alterations he implemented in some item, see their importance and we will eventually see how enduring his alterations proved to be. We will reason that Cromwell made cardinal alterations in the organisation of the church that served as a design for ulterior alterations but non cardinal alterations in philosophy ; we will reason that the one alteration he made that was cardinal and could non be undone was the disintegration of the monasteries. However, before we consider these things it is of import to look at the province of the church instantly before Cromwell’s alterations.
As Christopher Haigh records in his article about the historiography of the Reformation in England, ‘there has been much difference over the causes and chronology of developments in faith, and recent readings of the Reformation in England…’ [ 1 ] He suggest that there are two positions current amongst historiographers about how the alterations happened and what the response was amongst the general population. The first position, held by historiographers such as Geoffrey Elton and Peter Clark, was that the reformation occurred quickly as a consequence of coercion from above ; nevertheless, Haigh does non experience that the grounds is sufficiently strong plenty to propose the alterations were readily taken up in the states. He suggests success depended mostly on the personal positions of local Justices of the Peace. [ 2 ] The 2nd position was that there was a ‘rapid Reformation from below’ , a place espoused by A.G.Dickens. Dickens suggested that there were links between what he saw as an spread outing late Lollardy and early Protestantism, which led to a fleet progress at the ‘popular level’ . [ 3 ] Haigh, nevertheless, reminds us that the grounds for this hypothesis could be considered untypical ; instances of unorthodoxy were the notable events that needed recording in the parish records but their occasional presence does non necessitate to propose that the unorthodoxy was widespread but instead that it was unusual plenty to be note-worthy. [ 4 ]
Neither of these positions convinced Eamon Duffy ; in his book,The Stripping of the Alters, he insists that at parish degree ‘traditional religion’ was healthy and booming. He declares, ‘late medieval Catholicism exerted an tremendously strong, diverse, and vigorous clasp over the imaginativeness and the trueness of the people up to the really minute of Reformation.’ [ 5 ] Haigh besides points out a job with the impression of Protestantism distributing rapidly amongst the general population, whether it be imposed from above or encouraged from below ; he points out that it is hard to accept that a faith of ‘the book’ , spread by booklets and devotional literature, could distribute rapidly amongst a mostly illiterate population. [ 6 ] Haigh felt it was more realistic to accept that alteration was sporadic throughout the state, distributing more rapidly amongst town inhabitants, who had higher literacy degrees, and in those countries with frequent economic contact with countries of Protestant Europe. [ 7 ] It is of import to bear these statements in head when discoursing the inquiry we have asked ourselves in this essay ; how cardinal were the alterations in the church implemented by Thomas Cromwell?
First a consideration of the adult male himself, Thomas Cromwell may non hold instantly stood out as person who King Henry VIII would come to trust on. He was a adult male of low beginnings, being the boy of a shear adult male of Putney. He was non a priest or a university physician and although he had worked for Cardinal Wolsey, he had non served as a diplomat. In world he was a man of affairs and canvasser, who served as MP for Taunton ( a function that gave him the ability to manage his fellow members ) . He besides had fiscal experience, holding had experience in banking in both Italy and the Netherlands, states in which he had lived for a clip. [ 8 ] The King formed a high sentiment of Cromwell as he served his old maestro, Cardinal Wolsey. Wolsey had commissioned Cromwell to negociate on his behalf as it became clear he had lost the support of the King. Cromwell was attractive to the King because he was an decision maker and a political director. [ 9 ]
Cromwell was clearly seen as a adult male who could accomplish much and by the summer of 1529 Henry was a King who needed such a adult male, as it became clear that Henry was non traveling to win in his desire to accomplish the Pope’s approval and a divorce from his first married woman, Catherine of Aragon. The adult male who had been given the mission of happening a manner to untangle Henry from his childless matrimony, Wolsey, had failed and fell from grace in the eyes of the King. Having discarded one counsellor, he placed the undertaking in the custodies of the new adult male, Thomas Cromwell. By 1530 Cromwell had been elevated to go a member of the King’s council. By early 1531, Henry had authorized Cromwell to implement processs that would acknowledge Anne to go queen.
Over the undermentioned three old ages Cromwell’s changeless subject was to guarantee the King had domination of power, non Rome. [ 10 ] Indeed, Cromwell’s solution to the job of the King’s divorce was to guarantee the denial of the Pope’s authorization over the Church in England. By 1531 Cromwell had succeeded in acquiring the English Parliament to hold to proclaim the King as the ‘only supreme caput of the English Church’ encapsulated within the Statute ofPraemunireof 1531. [ 11 ] This was a important accomplishment. For centuries the English Crown had found the necessity of obeisance to an outside power had caused them domestic jobs but none had sought such a drastic solution as Henry. It is ill-defined if this alteration had any impact on the thickly settled at big, but it did hold a important consequence on the English church, and was accepted – albeit in many instances reluctantly- by most. Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, in hisde vera obedientia oratio, declared,
I see no cause why any adult male should be offended that the male monarch is called the Head of the Church of England instead than the Head of the kingdom of England… the Church of England consisteth of the same kinds of people at this twenty-four hours that are comprised in this universe kingdom of whom the male monarch is called the Head. [ 12 ]
This alteration was non instantly important but it would shortly go more so. A farther rupture of the power of the pontificate was the ‘Submission of the Clergy’ in 1532, which, amongst other things, placed cannon jurisprudence beneath that of the jurisprudence of the land, and was a move every bit important as the Act of 1531 mentioned above but it should besides be seen as an effort to implement the Pope’s co-operation. These Acts of the Apostless, nevertheless, had a greater significance in that they were granted through parliament. They were non in the personal gift of the male monarch. It was this factor that made it more hard for Queen Mary to seek and return the church back to what had existed before her father’s reforms. In consequence she was inquiring parliament to vote away some of its ain powers, a good ground for its reluctance.
Another act to coerce the Pope’s manus was the 1532 the Act in Conditional Restraint of Annates, an ‘attack’ on revenue enhancement paid to Rome. Initially, this was a ‘bargaining counter measure’ in the feint hope that the Pope might yet alter his head and allow the King’s revocation but it didn’t win. This was confirmed in 1534 ; the Archbishop of Canterbury now had the power to allow dispensations to Cannon jurisprudence alternatively of the Pope ; but even more significantly this determination was now capable to appeal to the Lord Chancellor. [ 13 ] The concluding act in this sequence was the 1533 Act in Restraint of Appeals that declared the English church ‘sufficient and meet of itself’ ; no thirster could person in England entreaty to Rome for a determination on a instance in the ecclesiastical tribunals. [ 14 ] It is really clear that from the summer of 1535, Cromwell was ‘lending his backing’ to those who criticized Catholic devotional pattern and the philosophies that underpinned them. [ 15 ] Again these alterations were non likely to impact to greatly on the general population, although Loades records that there was no general disapprobation of Henry for what he describes as ‘Henry’s bold rebelliousness of the Pope’ , but they were important in the overall motion towards alteration and a cardinal alteration from the yesteryear. [ 16 ]
One inquiry that arises from this treatment is how much the alterations brought approximately by Cromwell represent his ain personal beliefs. It is clear from his actions that Cromwell displayed extremist spiritual beliefs for a adult male of his clip. In 1534 Cromwell tried to enroll William Tyndale, a adult male non ever accepted by those with the most traditional spiritual positions since his interlingual rendition of the New Testament into the Vernacular, into Royal service. [ 17 ] In the same twelvemonth, the Queen Anne Boleyn asks Cromwell to help Robert Herman. Herman was an Antwerp merchandiser who had been expelled from England because he set forth the New Testament in English. His aid is apparent from the fact that by 1535 Herman was moving as a undercover agent for Cromwell in Antwerp. Loades studies that the 1530s were a clip when the Tudor tribunal was were prey to ideological struggles. [ 18 ] Cromwell is recorded as being a frequenter, along with Anne Boleyn, of the ‘new scholarship’ ; after Anne’s autumn Cromwell joined the household of the new Queen, Jane Seymour as frequenter. Cromwell’s personal spiritual belief was besides evident in his cultural activities ; in the 1530s Cromwell was an active frequenter of polemical play outside the tribunal. Many of these dramas that were performed before the King were highly anti-papal and conservative clerics were profoundly leery of these events. [ 19 ] So of import was his function as a frequenter of the ‘new learning’ that at Cromwell’s autumn in 1540, the more extremist bookmans at tribunal ‘scurried for cover’ . [ 20 ] Ultimately, it was Cromwell’s spiritual beliefs ; so what has been considered a ‘religious misdemeanor’ – sacramantalism, which allowed him to be executed in 1540. [ 21 ]
Important though old alterations in the church had been, major alterations were made towards the terminal of the 1530s that were noticeable to those in the parishes. The first was the passing of the Ten Articles by the Convocation at the want of the King, which was intended to stop ‘diversity of opinions’ . [ 22 ] These articles were non drastically different in footings of divinity than current spiritual thougt, except for two of them. These were the articles refering the Eucharist, which was equivocal in the text ; the major alteration was in the sacraments, which went from seven to three, baptism, repentance and the Eucharist. [ 23 ] MacCulloch argued that these were non every bit extremist as might be supposed ; he concedes the articles gave a different angle on the reading of some of the spiritual activities it covered but did non basically change sanctioned belief. He claimed that a greater turbulence was caused by an Act ‘for the repeal of certain holydays’ , which more closely impinged upon the traditional form of spiritual observation in the parishes. [ 24 ] The second was the placing of a bible in the slang in churches from 1538 and the encouragement that was supposed to be given by the Bishops to their fold to read it. [ 25 ] This did non do as much jobs as it might, perchance for the ground Haigh stated – there was a high degree of illiteracy in state parishes.
The disintegration of the monasteries had the greatest impact and made the most cardinal lasting alterations in the church in England ; and Cromwell, on his being made Vicegerent, had the powers to do these alterations. In 1535 Cromwell commissioned theValor Ecclesiasticus,a elaborate study of church lifes, nevertheless, these were non the lone ‘riches’ that King had considered adding to his earthly wealth. The monasteries were potentially a rich beginning of farther income for the King. There had been a little but important sum of unfavorable judgment expressed about the ethical motives and spiritualty of 16th century monasteries. Some of it was justified but surely non all. Sheils records that the monastery at Evesham in Worcestershire exhibited an impressive rational and religious life. [ 26 ] Cromwell had had experience in fade outing cloistered houses from his clip functioning Wolsey, when he had been responsible for the death of 22 houses to finance the edifice of colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. He set this experience to good usage. The terminal of 1536 saw the closing of most of the smaller houses ; in 1537 he began fade outing the larger houses.
Those cloistered houses that served the communities they lived amongst good could non be replaced and they were missed in countless ways, in some instances, ways no 1 could hold foreseen. They had helped surrogate traditional faith and without them this became all the more hard. [ 27 ] The dwellers of the monasteries surely felt the alteration most badly. 9,000 work forces and adult females no longer had a map. Many of the monastics found work as minister of religions in parishes, but no such possibilities existed for the homeless nuns. One group who benefited was the aristocracy, who gained the chance to purchase land. Although it had been claimed that much of the money raised signifier this act would be used for charitable intents, peculiarly educational intents, this did non go on. Some of the money raised went to set uping new dioceses ; the King kept most of the monies for his ain usage. [ 28 ]
This essay asks if the alterations in the church implemented by Thomas Cromwell were cardinal 1s. In some ways the reply to this is yes. Despite Queen Mary turn overing all the statute law that enabled the statute law during her reign, it was reinstated once more at the beginning of the reign of her sister Elizabeth, who so built upon it. However, it could besides be argued that it did non take to cardinal alterations in the church but simply made superficial 1s. Some of the outward patterns of the church were altered but doctrine basically stayed the same. This didn’t Begin to change until the reign of Henry’s son Edward and changed everlastingly and drastically in the reign of his girl Elizabeth. The greatest cardinal alteration in the English church was the disintegration of the monasteries. This altered many facets of day-to-day life in parishes and was, hence, a really lasting and seeable alteration. Not even Mary could undo this act of devastation. Therefore, we must reason that Cromwell’s alterations served as the beginning of cardinal alterations in the Church of England. However, the one certain lasting alteration that could non be undone was that of the disintegration of the monasteries.
Duffy, E. ,The Stripping of the Alters, Yale University Press: London, 1992
Guy, J. ,Tudor England, OUP: Oxford, 1988
Haigh, C. , ‘The recent historiography of the English Reformation’ , in, Todd, M. , ed. ,Reformation to Revolution: Politicss and Religion in Early Modern England, Routledge: London, 1995
Loades, D.M. ,Politicss and the Nation 1450-1660: Obedience, Resistance and Public Order, Fontana/Collins: London, 1973 ( this edition 1977 )
Loades, D. ,The Tudor Court, B.T.Batsford Ltd: London, 1986
MacCulloch, D. ,Thomas Cranmer,Yale University Press: London, 1996
MacCulloch, D. ,Tudor Church Militant, Penguin Press: London, 1999
MacCulloch, D. ,Reformation: Europe’s House Divided 1490 – 1700, Penguin Books: London, 2003
Ridley, J. ,Henry VIII, St Edmundsbury Press: Bury St Edmunds, 1984
Russell, C. ,The Crisis of Parliaments: English history 1509-1660, OUP: Oxford,1971
Sheils, W.J. ,The English Reformation 1530-1570, Longman: London, 1989
Warnicke, R.M. ,The Rise and Fall of Anne Boleyn: household political relations at the tribunal of Henry VIII, CUP: Cambridge, 1989